With elections coming up in the US, within my family, the
recent conversations tend to revolve in reminiscing the times when Venezuelans
were motivated and confident to vote in elections.
The last major election in which Venezuelans thought it was
irrational not to vote was in 2013 when the opposition leader, Henrique
Capriles, lost to current president, Nicolas Maduro, by 1.6% … yes you read
that correctly, 1.6%!!! Venezuelans were outraged and demanded a recount because
for the first time in years the opposition felt that their individual votes actually
had the potential to affect the presidential outcome.
Prior to the 2013 election, there were various events in the
previous years that had raised the cost of voting tremendously; social pressure
to vote for Chavez/Maduro was effectively applied. Back in 2004 for example,
there was a referendum to determine whether or not Chavez (Venezuela’s
president at the time) should be recalled from office. Turns out that through
simple majority rule, it was concluded that the majority of the population approved
of Chavez and wanted to keep him as president. There was suspicion of fraud
from the opposition who demanded a recount of votes, and in return the government
publicly published a list of those individuals who had voted against Chavez.
The list affected workers of PDVSA, Venezuela’s state owned oil and
natural gas company, who were fired on the spot as a result of their name being
on the list. From the government’s perspective, embedding such consequences in
voting would mean that people could either abstain from voting because they did
not want to face radical repercussions, or vote for the “correct” candidate (
in this case the socialist party).
This of course meant very high costs to voting in the
following years, because revealing true preferences of presidential candidates
could cost someone their current and future employment. However, in 2013 Venezuelans
saw that the expected marginal benefit of voting also included other factors
such as civic duty, expressive utility and above all the inherit utility of
voting which could outweigh the marginal costs of voting. Individuals were publicly
expressing their candidate preference regardless of the consequences, because
in that moment, the marginal cost of voting was almost zero and the probability
of a vote being a swing vote seemed too high. With the referendum in 2004, I
would have imagined that the event would have discouraged Venezuelans of voting in future election, but
surprisingly enough it did the opposite for the 2013 elections. Now time will
tell when once again the expected marginal benefits will be far greater than
its marginal costs.
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